California Lost This Cabinet Race, But There Will Be Others

January, 1997

By Tim Ransdell

After ruling the White House roost for four years, California has been essentially shut out of the Clinton second-term Cabinet. The snub is even more brazen given the avowed affection with which the state was courted during dozens of re-election campaign visits. The steady din of California accents whispering in the President's ear -- notably that of Leon Panetta -- has quieted, but there is more than one way for California to ensure proper Washington attention for the state.

First, the Cabinet game "ain't over 'til it's over." While it looks like four years worth of Cabinet choices have been locked in, we should check back in later. Cabinet choices have a habit of turning over during a presidential term. Clinton's first four years saw mid-term shifts for the Secretaries of Defense, Treasury, Agriculture, and Commerce, the White House Chief of Staff, the U.S. Trade Representative, and the heads of the National Economic Council and the Office of Management and Budget. The story was similar during President Bush's tenure, when top jobs turned over at Agriculture, Education, Justice, Labor, State, Transportation, and Veterans' Affairs, and several took turns as Chief of Staff. If and when top positions turn over, California connections should be at the top of the consideration list.

Second, while there are barely more than a dozen Cabinet posts, there are thousands of other Administration jobs. The Clinton White House can soften the impact of its Cabinet omissions by ensuring that California is represented well throughout the Administration, particularly in key sub-Cabinet slots. Californians already occupying such posts include Agriculture deputy Rich Rominger, Interior deputy John Garamendi, Gore political director Karen Skelton, and departing presidential advisor John Emerson.

Third, we should remember that the geographic origin of a Cabinet Secretary may not have much bearing on the output of an agency. California received solid support for the Alameda Corridor intermodal project from a Coloradan as Transportation Secretary, the National Ignition Facility at Lawrence Livermore Lab was pushed by an Energy Secretary without California ties, and Los Angeles County's health care assistance was spearheaded by an HHS Secretary from New York and Wisconsin. By the same token, a Californian at the helm of the Defense Department oversaw a further decline in the B-2 program and yet another round of military base closures with an inequitably harsh impact on the state. It will be incumbent on Californians to convince officials from within and without our state of the unique and varied needs of our region.

Fourth, while Bill Clinton may no longer require the state's whopping 54 electoral college votes to keep his job, his would-be successor will need them more than ever. No presidential campaign can afford to ignore California, and Vice President Al Gore knows this well. To the extent that Gore becomes more prominent in the Administration during the next four years, California's interests should too.

And fifth and finally, California retains a secret weapon in the Washington clout game. The state's 54-member congressional delegation did well during the recent committee and leadership selection process and is poised to be an increasingly important factor in the 105th Congress. With key leaders in both party structures, an appropriations seat regained in the Senate, strong representation on influential House committees, and the brute force of sheer numbers in the House, California's congressional delegation can take up the slack and then some.